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Attack by the 50th Division on the Houthulst Forest.

26th October 1917

 

 

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From the War Diary of Major W. Anderson, D.S.O M.C. Brigade Major of the 149th Inf Bde.

26th October 1917

Speaking generally, the brigade was ordered to attack in a north-eastern direction between the southern border of the Houthulst Forest and the Broembeek on a frontage running in an irregular manner through Aden House, and the principal objectives included "Hill 23," "Colbert Crossroads" and the groups of huts about seven hundred yards south-west of Schaap Balie. Aeroplane photographs were unfortunately not very clear, but they revealed an area that was capable of an obstinate defence, and one that might be rendered impassable by heavy rain. The chief obstacles were a double row of concrete huts or "pill-boxes," and ground that was already dangerously full of water- holes.

 

 

From the War Diary of C.O. of the 4th Northumberland Fusiliers.

The C.O's report gives first-hand evidence of the difficult nature or the attack:

"From reports received from the 11th Suffolks," the right of my Battalion front is a swamp. Even if it is possible to assemble the right company, I do not consider they would be able to advance, but would have to be dug out. I propose with your permission to attack with two companies. (subsequently changed to one company) only in the front line,   one in support, and to keep the fourth company in reserve. Conditions on rest of the front are such that if a man steps off a firm piece of ground into the slightest hollow he has to be dug out. There are very few firm pieces of ground away from the railway and roads.

 

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Note: Look for the men in the shell holes.

 

Heavy rain began to fall again at 3 a.m. and the "very few firm pieces of ground" became less in number; the water, trickling at first down the muddy sides of shell holes, soon became small streams, filling the occupants of the shell holes with gloomy prospects of success in the attack; pools of water widened almost to small lakes. Even in the darkness it was possible to discern stretches of water out in No Man's Land across which the attackers would have to pass.

Who imagined that the attack could be successful? Only the higher command! The Division had received  orders to attack, and the attack would be carried out; but not one of those gallant fellows, who watched for the grey dawn to appear, ever imagined that, with the Boche safely ensconced in his numerous "pill-boxes", ready with rifle and machine-gun to shoot down the attackers as they floundered through the mud and water almost at a snail's pace, they could successfully hold, even if they captured , their objectives, because their numbers would be so thinned out in the attack that at best the line would be very weakly held. With all the odds against them, therefore, the three attacking battalions of the 149th Brigade awaited zero hour.

Punctually at 5.40 a.m. the creeping barrage fell. It was to move forward at the rate of  one hundred yards in eight minutes.  Had the "going" been good, the slow "creep" would hardly have restrained the troops, who lay close up under the barrage waiting for the first "lift"; so close indeed that several casualties were suffered. But at the first "lift" of the guns the attackers rose to their feet and advanced. The rain had, however, done its deadly work, for all the gallant fellows could do was to drag themselves along through the thick clinging mud and water at a much slower pace than the barrage, which soon got ahead. Then from "pill-box " and shell hole a murderous fire was poured upon them. Many fell dead; some of the wounded fell into the gaping holes of water and were drowned; fortunate were those who escaped, but on went the survivors.

 

 

First hand account by Captain J.M. Affleck M.C.

7th Northumberland Fusiliers.

At zero (5.40 a.m.) we pushed off; my greatest anxiety was in stretching the sections out to the right to get in touch with "B" company. Our barrage was a hopeless failure; only shrapnel was used, and instead of bursting overhead as we expected, it burst at least 400 yards in front of us and behind the line of German machine gun posts. It was worse than useless, as it simply served to give the alarm. Until then, everything was perfectly quiet, but immediately our guns started, the Boches sent up coloured lights and their barrage came down. This barrage came down within two minutes of zero, and although it did very small damage to "D" company's three attacking platoons, it practically wiped out Doucet's platoon, which was in support and digging in on the tape. The Boche machine guns started almost on zero, a single gun started over on our left and traversed toward our right, and was very soon joined by guns all along the line. Most of the fire we noticed came from the rising ground on our left, and from the forest. And machine guns fired from the tops of the pill-boxes. The ground we crossed was not so badly cut up as one might imagine; the clay soil and swamp made the going, of course, far from good, but at the same time it neutralised to a great extent the effect of the enemy's high explosive shells. As to the distance we got forward, I cannot exactly say. "D" company had to pivot round on the extreme left of the attack - it had to advance its right in conjunction with "B" company. This meant of course that "D" company had to make a half-right wheel, and at the same time to treble its frontage. But I judge that no 16 platoon, the nearest to no 6 of "B" company and the one I was with, went forward about two hundred and fifty yards. We met with no unbroken wire ourselves, but I cannot speak as to the rest of the battalion. My own perspective was very limited, and I can only tell of what befell "D" company. Of fighting in the true sense of the word we had none. Most of the Boches we saw were beating it back (from their advance positions I suppose). It was simply a slaughter by machine gun fire, shell-fire and sniping from the forest. When daylight came and I saw in what a hole we were, I never thought we could get out alive. I can only liken our position to that of the bottom of a saucer, with Fritz holding three sides of the lip. The only occasion I tried to use a runner was when I considered that the company had arrived at its objective. I could then see no signs of the people on our right, but noticing three or four men go to ground on the right, I sent my servant Fotheringham to see who they might be. Poor lad, he only went about five yards before he fell with a bullet in his brain. I then gave orders to dig in. It was then almost light, and further exposure would only end one way, and that a useless one; and we went to ground. At midday a runner was sent from Company Headquarters, to report the remainder of the battalion back on the tape line, the attack a failure, and instructing me to retire in conformity with the rest of the battalion.  But this unfortunate, of course, never reached me, and he was never seen again.  Had he reached me, I would not have dreamt of throwing away the lives of the nine or ten men I had left, by retiring over such ground in daylight. No re-enforcement's reached me-if they were sent, they were smashed up before they got as far.

Our own aeroplanes were more than discreet during the attack, and after a hurried survey of our position, left the enemy in complete and undisputed possession of the air. The German airmen flew very low, firing at our men with machine guns, one even waving a hand, to which we made no response, being too "fed-up", wet and cramped to care much what he did. Until you have spent a day, wet to the skin, your knees near your chin, with three others in the very inadequate shelter of a shell-hole, without being able to so much as shift your foot, you cannot imagine what the agonies of cramp can be.

I repeatedly saw the German snipers from the forest pick off our wounded, as they endeavoured to crawl back to our lines. During the whole day it was sheer suicide to show the least sign of life; and the bullets were clipping the sides of our shell-hole most of the time. Two of my men in a shell-hole nearby, too shallow for comfort, endeavoured to deepen it by lying on their backs in turn and pushing the earth out with their feet. Although I warned them to keep down,  they either did not hear, or heeded not; and one of them was shot three times by a sniper-the third shot killed him.

In the afternoon, after the enemy planes had been over trying their machine-gun practise on us wet mortals, lying "doggo" in the mud, the Boche artillery started shelling the ground. After several "long" shots the range was shortened, and a shell dropped fair in the side of the crater (just behind my own) sheltering the Lewis-gun and its surviving team of two. It passed between the two men and buried itself deep in the mud and burst. But instead of finishing us all, only one man was hurt by a splinter, which passed through his helmet and just penetrated his scalp.   If they keep on like that we thought,  there will be some strange faces in the next world before very long! But fortunately our friends the enemy (only a few yards away apparently) sent up a green flare, which evidently meant "lengthen range." So we were troubled no further in this way; even the enemy thought the last shell too close for comfort.

At dusk I reckoned up the position. There must be a gap on the left between my own platoon, and the rest of "D" Company; but I had no idea of what had happened on my right. As I have mentioned, "D" Company were in a shallow basin and out of view of the rest of the battalion. Immediately in front of us was some rough ground, with scrubby trees, enclosed by an iron fence on iron standards, and really a neck of the forest. My final position was about fifteen yards short of this ground. Another day in this depression dominated by the forest meant suicide. So at nightfall I told corporal Henderson, my last N.C.O., to gather all the walking wounded he could find and get back to Company Headquarters to inform Fisher where I was, that I was out of touch on both flanks, and I would push on with what men I had to get onto the higher ground, and send up Doucet's platoon to fill the gap on my left. As soon as he had left, I slipped off my trench-coat and all encumbrances, except my Webley, and crawled off to investigate conditions on my right. Near the road I found my right  section of three men, covered with their ground-sheets, and seemingly indifferent as to what might happen. After a few whispered instructions I crawled up the road, and found a "B" Company man with a badly fractured knee, lying full length in the mud. He was fully conscious and I crawled alongside and had a few whispered words with him. He said he thought the attack had failed and that "B" Company had retired.  I told him who I was, and promised to fetch him when darkness descended (it was then just dusk). He was a brave lad; I was afraid he might cry out when I left him, but he never made a sound. I am glad to say that we got him back all right, and he reached England safely minus a leg. I then crawled on and found strong wire within a few yards of this man; the fence I have mentioned was included in this, and strongly reinforced. There were evidently Boches just on the other side. I returned and reinforced the post near the road with the Lewis-gun; and then I had only sufficient men to make up two decent posts, the five men of my other two sections I posted together on my left. I then pushed on, and eventually got in touch with the rest of the company, and was appraised of the situation.

After this I returned and withdrew my men; just in time too, as the moon was then rising- a fine full clear moon, which later on made our search for wounded  anything but a picnic owing to Fritz's ever vigilant machine-guns. In this latter work we were assisted by a battalion of the Durhams.

I was very much shocked by the sight of the supporting platoon (Doucet's). They were lying around the tape line, in many cases with the white flesh of their faces ribbed by machine-gun bullets as they lay on the ground. I found Doucet in their midst, shot in at least two places. I heard later that he had been shot through the knee and afterwards finished while trying to get back.  I removed his personal effects, and had him carried off and buried near the road. Poor Doucet, he was a fine fellow and a cheerful comrade. We buried several men before we were relieved, but finally I  gave up the task and concentrated on getting the men under some sort of cover before daylight arrived; a half-hearted job as everyone was cold, wet and hungry, and broken in spirit.

After all our preparations and hopes for our innings on the great battlefield of Flanders, to end in this way-failure, and with nothing to show for it but a big casualty list. Fortunately we were relieved that night, and I thought God help the relief if they don't get under cover before dawn. Our own main anxiety was to get as far and as fast away from the place as we could. I could freely criticise a good many things in connection with the tragedy of the 26th October; but no good could come of doing so.

 

odellmc.jpg (780 bytes)   Captain J. M. Affleck was awarded the Military Cross for this action.

odellmc.jpg (780 bytes)    Lieut. Odell, the Brigade Signalling Officer, and his men did wonders in keeping the battalions in touch with B.H.Q. during the battle, and for his great personal gallantry on this occasion he received a Bar to his MC.                                              Q6A Page 157

 

 

Summary

Right Battalion- 4th Northumberland Fusiliers.

Two companies went forward and made progress until held up about one hundred and fifty yards west of the huts by severe machine-gun fire from the huts, which appeared to be full of machine-guns and undamaged by artillery fire. Although the barrage travelled at eight minutes to one hundred yards, owing to swampy ground which was much cut up by shell-fire, the troops were unable to keep up with it. And owing also to the swamp on the right of the huts, no attempt could be made to outflank them from the right. The advanced positions gained were eventually abandoned after dark under orders.

Centre Battalion- 5th Northumberland fusiliers.

Two companies went forward, but the right company was held up about seventy yards from the assembly positions by heavy machine-gun fire from the huts. The left company succeeded in gaining a footing on Hill 23, but could not move about there owing to heavy machine-gun fire from the woods on the left. The two reserve companies were badly cut up by shell and machine-gun fire. Eventually about 3 p.m. this battalion was compelled by heavy losses to fall back on their original position.

Left Battalion- 7th Northumberland fusiliers.

The attack proceeded satisfactorily for a time, especially on the right; and eventually the left company was reported to be on its final objective with its flanks in the air. Casualties from sniping became so serious that it was impossible to consolidate, and the battalion was ordered to fall back on its original position, which was done.

 

 

Total casualties, killed, wounded and missing:-

Officers           Men

4th N.F.                                 10                   255

5th N.F.                                 12                   439

6th N.F.                                  1                       61

7th N.F.                                 12                   303

149th M.G.C.                         2                      18

149th T.M.B.                         _                        1

149th B.H.Q.                         1                       3

                  Total                    38               1,080

 

 

Officer losses: Killed 26/27th October 1917
4th N.F.
    2nd/Lieutenant Ryde Guild Rayner
    2nd/Lieutenant William Ruddy*
    2nd/Lieutenant David Arthur Smith*
    2nd/Lieutenant Henry Stobbs  LINK TO PAGE on 2nd Lieut Henry Stobbs
    2nd/Lieutenant David Lindsay Young
5th N.F.
    Lieutenant Ronald Lidderdale Guy*
    2nd/Lieutenant John Herbert Shaw*
    Lieutenant Philip Shaw
    Lieutenant Harold Kenyon Temperley
    Lieutenant Stanley Dawson Simm Tucker*
7th N.F.
    Lieutenant Frederick Anderson Brown*
    2nd/Lieutenant Gerald Danby Doucet*
    Lieutenant James Angus Scott*
    Lieutenant Arthur Penton Strong*
    2nd/Lieutenant Robert Thompson*

* Denotes Picture

Officer casualties

2nd-Lieutenant Gerald Danby Doucet   (1/7th N.F.)  2nd-Lieutenant Gerald Danby Doucet   (1/7th N.F.)

2nd/Lieutenant Gerald Danby Doucet was the only son of Mr. and Mrs. L.H.F. Doucet, of 40, Onslow Gardens, Muswell Hill, London, N.  He was educated at Grove House School, Highgate, and in February,  1916, joined the Inns of Court O.T.C. He was gazetted to the Northumberland Fusiliers in December, 1916, and went to the front in February 1917. He was posted to the T.F. Battalions and served with that unit until he met his death on the 26th October 1917, in the 26th year of his age. The sympathy of all ranks goes out to his father and mother in their bereavement.

St. Georges Gazette 30th November 1917.

 

 

2nd-Lieutenant Robert Thompson (1/7th N.F.)   2nd-Lieutenant Robert Thompson (1/7th N.F.)

2nd/Lieutenant Robert Thompson was the eldest son of Mr. Arthur Thompson, of Castle Street, Warkworth. He was educated at Dukes School, Alnwick, and in Janruary 1916, joined the K.R.R.C.'s "Yoemanry Battalion" under Lord Feversham. He went to the front in May 1916, and after promotion in the ranks was given a commission in the field, being gazetted to the Northumberland Fusiliers. He saw much fighting and was awarded the M.C. in July, for his ability and daring. He was killed in action on the 26th October, 1917, in the 21st year of his age. The sympathy of all ranks go to his father.

St. Georges Gazette 30th November 1917.

My grateful thanks go to Graham Stewart for this photograph

 

       2nd/Lieutenant Henry Stobbs  (1/4th Bn N F)    2nd/Lieutenant Henry Stobbs  (1/4th Bn N F)

LINK TO PAGE on 2nd Lieut Henry Stobbs

2nd -Lieut. Henry Stobbs was the eldest son of Mr William Stobbs, of Pryse House. St. Johns Chapel, Weardale, Co. Durham. He enlisted in the _ Battalion, Durham Light Infantry, in September 1914, and served with his unit in France for 18 months.

He returned home, and after four months instruction in an Officers' Cadet Battalion he was given a commission in the N.F. T.F. (Northumberland Fusiliers Territorial Force), on the 1st August 1917. After passing some time with his Reserve Unit he went to the Western Front on the 18th September, 1917 (With the 1/4th Battalion Northumberland Fusiliers). He was reported missing on the 26th October.

His Commanding Officer has written to his father stating that he fearshe was killed. Much regret is felt both at home and abroad at his early demise. Lieut. Stobbs was in his 26th year.

Printed in the St Georges Gazette. 1918

 

Other Ranks casualties

Private James Milne 1/7th Bn Northumberland Fusiliers

Just one of the 303 other ranks lost that day: Private James Milne 1/7th Bn Northumberland Fusiliers

Postcard picturing an NCO of the 6th Bn Northumberland Fusiliers. Inscribed on the reverse "James Milne, youngest son, George & Mary Dorothy Milne".

According to the Commonwealth War Graves Commission, 202848 Milne was a private with the 1st/7th Bn when he was killed on 26th October 1917 (2nd battle of Passchendaele, recorded on the Tyne Cot memorial). But in the additional information it records that he was formerly Lance Sgt with the 3rd/6th Bn "reverted to proceed overseas", which would explain the insignia on the portrait.

milne2.jpg (21778 bytes)     Reverse of card

 

 

NFbadge2.jpg (2131 bytes)  Click here for  7th NFshort history of the Regiment,  see personalities and links to detailed accounts of important actions.

Guy Smith     e mail:    guy@trenchmap.com

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